|
The Forgotten
Population: Health Disparities and Minority Men
(reprinted with permission)
In
recent years, the notion of health disparities has become less of an
academic concept and more of a policy strategy that’s increasingly
being put into practice. But while attention to minority health issues is
on the rise, men of color and other minority men often get lost in the
mix. This issue of Facts of Life examines that problem with “The
Forgotten Population: Health Disparities and Minority Men.”
Each month, the Health Behavior News Service of the Center for the
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CONTENTS
* The Issue
* The Facts
* Interview: David R.
Williams, Ph.D. Explaining the Crisis: Why Poor Men of Color Have the Worst
Health
* Interview: Dean
Robinson, Ph.D. Searching for Solutions: From Community Demonstrations to
National Models
* The Role of Race,
Racism and Discrimination in Health Outcomes
* Men’s Health
Initiative: Laboratories for Community Innovation* Addressing the Issue of
Unequal Treatment
* Bibliography
THE ISSUE:
Health professionals,
researchers and activists are finally paying attention to the need to reduce
racial and ethnic disparities in health.
But efforts to address
these disparities often omit men, a forgotten demographic in health policy
and practice. Men of color are less healthy than any other group and more
likely to suffer chronic conditions. They have reduced access to care and
are more severely affected by the underlying causes of disease. Thus far,
men of color have been underrepresented in proposed solutions to health
disparity problems.
THE FACTS:
* Life expectancy for
African-American men is 7.1 years less than for white men, 7.5 years less
than for African-American women and 12.7 years less than for white women.
[1]
* African-American men
die of heart disease at a rate of 244.7 per 100,000 — more than 2.5 times
the rate for white women. [1]
* Cerebrovascular
disease is twice as likely to kill African-American men, at a rate of 50.5
per 100,000, as it is to kill white men or women. And 221.1 per 100,000
African-American men die of cancer — more than twice the rate for white
women. [1]
* For HIV/AIDS, the
differences are huge. African-American men die of complications from
HIV/AIDS at a rate of 62.7 per 100,000, compared with 25.5 for Latino men,
19.1 for African-American women, 12.5 for white men, 5.9 for Latino women
and 1.8 for white women. [1]
* Poverty, income
inequality, low educational status and unemployment are more likely to
affect men of color. [2]
* Residential
segregation by race and income is a powerful cause of poor health,
concentrating multiple economic and social problems and undermining the
quality of housing and services. [3]
* African-American and
Latino men are less likely than white men to see a doctor, even when they
are in poor health. [4]
* For non-elderly men,
46 percent of Latinos and 28 percent of
African-Americans lack
health insurance. Men of color are less likely than white men to have
job-based insurance, and only 6 percent to 8 percent of Latino and
African-American men have Medicaid. [4]
* Regardless of
insurance status, men of color are less likely to receive timely preventive
services, and more likely to suffer the consequences of delayed attention,
such as limb amputations and radical cancer surgery. The Institute of
Medicine
has found significant racial and ethnic disparities within the health care
system. [5,6]
Interviews:
Explaining the Crisis: Why Poor Men of Color Have the Worst Health with
David R. Williams, Ph.D.
David R. Williams is a
sociologist whose work focuses on the causes of ill health, including social
circumstances, race/ ethnicity and discrimination. He is a senior research
scientist and professor at the University of
Michigan’s
Institute for Social Research. Among Williams’ most recent papers is “The
Health of Men: Structured Inequalities and Opportunities” in the May 2003
issue of the American Journal of Public Health.
[7]
Q/ Why do you think
there is a crisis in minority men’s health and what are its implications for
the individuals involved and society generally?
A/ Minority men —
especially African-American men, where we have the best evidence — have much
higher rates of illness and mortality than non-minorities. It’s been 400
years and the United States
hasn’t made much progress in reducing the gap. Both minorities and
non-minorities have improved in the last 50 years, but the relative
difference has remained unchanged in virtually every way. [7]
This is significant
because we live in a society that values equal opportunity and health is a
prerequisite to that opportunity. To the extent that a particular group is
unhealthy, they are less likely to make it to the starting gate. In
addition, much of the excess loss of life experienced by minority men occurs
during what should be their most productive years — exactly the time they
could be contributing to society economically and in other ways. Finally,
research suggests that where there are small pockets with a very
concentrated level of pathology it can actually spread to the larger
society.
Q/ Low-income minority
men seem to be triply disadvantaged — by socioeconomic status, race and
gender. Could you discuss the importance of these three factors and how they
are interrelated?
A/ One of the strongest
determinants of health in the United States and throughout the world is
socioeconomic status. This is true for all men and women, but beyond the
effect of SES, ill health is also linked to race/ethnicity. And in virtually
every country, men are sicker and die
sooner than women. The
three factors interact in complex ways. It’s not easy to disentangle one
from the other, but together they create enormous disadvantage. [2]
Q/ What are the
pathways by which these three factors affect health?
A/ Let’s talk about SES
first. Virtually every protective characteristic or health risk is
distributed by SES. Smoking, alcohol and drug use are all less common among
those with higher income and education. Access to care and quality of care
are higher. Stress is lower, and we know that stress is a very powerful
determinant of health, present in many pathways.
Gender works in several
ways. There’s no magic bullet. Economic marginality and the absence of work
are linked to SES for men and women, but men in particular see themselves as
providers. When they can’t play that role, their lives and health are
affected. Men are over-represented among the homeless, the prison
population, substance abusers and people with severe mental illness.
Working at a lousy job
is also bad for your health. More men than women are in dangerous and
stressful occupations. Cultural beliefs about masculinity also affect health
behaviors. Women are more likely to seek care and to engage in
health-promoting activities, and it appears that they have more effective
coping mechanisms and social support. Men are more likely to respond to
stress by using alcohol, drugs and tobacco. Race also affects health in
multiple ways.
The problems of work
and marginality that are present in men generally are more pronounced among
minority men. Research has shown that among men with the same job titles and
advancement, minorities are more likely to face occupational hazards and
stress. Location of residence is also linked to race. One study of the 171
largest cities showed there was not one where the average African-American
neighborhood was better than the worst white neighborhood (in terms of
quality and living conditions). Finally, the experience of racial
discrimination is an added source of stress — one that makes an incremental
contribution to ill health. [8]
Q/ Do you think the
roles of genetics and personal behavior have been overemphasized?
A/ It’s important to
note that the pathways of race are linked to the structure of society and to
social experience — not to biology and genetics. We have known for some time
that racial categories don’t capture much biologic distinctiveness, and they
are unlikely to be a major explanation for heath disparities. Still, we need
research on how genetic and other biological factors may interact with the
social environment to create pervasive health problems.
Behavior is much more
complicated. It’s clearly an important pathway in determining health. At the
same time, we cannot understand behavior in a vacuum. The larger challenges
individuals face in their lives affect their behavior. For example, nicotine
is a drug that provides momentary relief from stress; so smoking is more
prevalent among those where stress is highest. I hasten to add that there’s
also a profit motive at work here. Low-income and minority neighborhoods are
targeted by billboards advertising cigarettes and alcohol, liquor stores and
fast food outlets.
We need to acknowledge
that behavior is a factor but not the only factor, and that there are
various ways to try to improve it. For example, there has been a dramatic
decline in smoking in the last three decades, but the decline has been much
more common among people with higher educational levels. They tend to have
healthier alternatives for dealing with stress, such as gyms and spas. When
your options are constrained you are more likely to cling to an unhealthy
but temporarily satisfying behavior.
Q/ You have said that
in some cases middle-class African-American men may face even higher health
risks than lower-income African-American men. [7] Could you address this
apparent paradox?
A/ I believe this is
one example of the added burden of race. The health of middle class
African-American men is generally better than that of poor African-American
men. But for some conditions — hypertension, suicide and stress — it’s
worse. The same is not true for African-American women.
Research shows
instability and tenuousness and more unemployment among the African-American
middle class — especially the first-generation middle class — compared with
whites. African-Americans have made a lot of progress in closing the
education gap with whites, but not the income gap. They earn less at every
level of achievement, and they don’t expect their investment in education to
pay off at the same rate.
Q/ Could you discuss
how residential segregation affects health?
A/ Residential
segregation by both race and income is one of those fundamental causes that
has received inadequate attention as to its effect on factors linked to
health. Segregation by race and income is increasing, leading to loss of
neighborhood resources. In the United States, dollars for education come
largely from local taxes, so segregation tends to mean lower-quality schools
for minority students.
Employment options also
decrease as an area becomes more segregated. Pharmacies are not well
stocked; groceries are of lower quality and fresh fruit and vegetables are
either unavailable or very expensive; playgrounds, walkways and
opportunities to exercise are rarer. Safety is a factor, and tends to
reinforce both lower use of facilities and withdrawal of services. The more
severe the concentration of problems, the less the possibility of the
neighborhood ever recovering. [3]
Q/ What do you see as
some possible solutions to these problems?
A/ One central point is
that the health of men is embedded in larger experiences in society. We have
to improve the quality of life through good, well-paid, safe jobs and
livable neighborhoods and communities. For men, it’s also important to think
of serious, active educational outreach — ways of dealing with cultural
biases and reinforcing positive behavior. And, more narrowly, we need to
improve access to health services and address findings that minorities
receive less timely and intensive treatment and poorer care. Regarding
residential segregation, it’s not inherently bad to live with one’s own
race. Communities of like culture can be important sources of support.
What’s damaging is the accumulation of ills linked to poverty. Our
neighborhoods need a massive commitment of resources to rebuild their
physical and social structures.
We need better schools,
employment and training and retooling programs, and transportation to where
the jobs are. Every child growing up should have access to good
opportunities. We need to think long and hard about the next generation,
and the high levels of poverty we tolerate among kids, especially minority
kids. In the last 50 years, there have been few signs of dramatic change in
our living patterns. But it’s important to evaluate every government
policy’s impact on health. We need to understand how things like housing,
agriculture, labor, transportation and economics shape individuals’ lives —
and how health is embedded in all of them.
Interview
Searching for Solutions: From Community Demonstrations to National Models
with Dean Robinson, Ph.D.
Dean Robinson is a
political scientist specializing in African-American politics, access to
health care and policy solutions. An associate professor at the University
of Massachusetts,
Amherst, he is currently on leave as a W.K. Kellogg Foundation Scholar in
Health Disparities at the Harvard School of Public Health. Robinson also
serves as program director for the Center for the Advancement of Health’s
Men’s Health Initiative.
Q/ Why do you think
it’s important to study the health of minority men?
A/ I first became
interested when I was at U Mass and working on a state universal health care
campaign, before I had read much public health literature. It was obvious to
me that the distribution of illness and disease was disproportionately
skewed to low-income people and racial/ethnic minorities — and that this was
related, at least in part, to differential access to care.
Q/ How does this affect
men in particular?
A/ Poor men’s need for
health services is not well understood. For example, Medicaid, the
federal/state program financing care for low-income people, is so tied to
people with kids. There are only 11 states where individuals who are neither
disabled nor on-site parents qualify just because they are poor or
near-poor. [9] And even that coverage is at risk as state budgets grow
tighter and programs are slashed. [10] When push comes to shove, they will
protect women and children first. Yet low-income men — especially minorities
— are least likely to be insured. [4] So they don’t get preventive services,
their health is poorer and they die sooner. [1] Men themselves tend not to
seek care and community programs, even those that care for the uninsured,
don’t always reach out to them.
Q/ Do you think this
happens because we see men as less deserving?
A/ It’s a combination
of things. The safety net covers kids first. It scoops up more women than
men because women are, by and large, the caregivers for the kids. Then there
are norms and socialization. We think guys don’t get sick and we don’t have
the same concerns about them. In addition, in recent times we’ve emphasized
dependence on the private market to distribute health care.
Free market solutions
don’t work with a group that has entrenched difficulties with the labor
market, or jobs that don’t provide insurance and incomes too low to purchase
it themselves.
Q/ What are some of the
specific health care issues of low-income minority men?
A/ Recently I was a
participant/ observer in focus groups held by the Denver Health program to
get at just this question. For African American men, trust of the health
care system was an issue. Several members of the focus group mentioned the
Tuskegee experiments that took place years ago — African-American men
diagnosed with syphilis were allowed to go untreated so that researchers
could track the progress of the disease. Lack of respect from caregivers was
also an issue. “Money equals respect,” one man said. “And there’s no money
to be made on us.” Hispanic men focused less on mistrust; more on
language barriers and the fact that they don’t readily ask questions in a
clinical setting for fear of not being understood. It was interesting that
recent immigrants were accustomed to government-provided health care, while
those who were more assimilated didn’t expect much from the government. Both
groups were concerned about costs. While most of the men were getting care
from public agencies, they feared increases in the income-related fees they
pay, as well as cutbacks in services.
Q/ What are some of the
things that predispose men to illness and lack of services?
A/ At the end of the
focus groups, the men were asked what kept them up at night. Most of them
mentioned getting and keeping a job; providing for their families. Jobs that
don’t pay a living wage, high rents and lack of affordable housing are
exacerbated by low educational status and discrimination. Also, they buy
into the masculine myth. Out of necessity, work comes first. Men don’t
prioritize health unless they’re really ill. They postpone care,
compromising outcomes later in life.
Q/ What is the Kellogg
Foundation Men’s Health Initiative doing about these problems?
A/ Kellogg became aware
of the gaps in men’s health services through the Kellogg Foundation
Community Voices program, focusing on health care for the underserved
generally. They launched a $3 million initiative in six areas with high
concentrations of low-income minority men, access problems and poor health
outcomes. The grantees are meant to demonstrate a number of approaches to
improving men’s health.
Most of the projects
function through existing providers of health care to the underserved —
municipal health facilities or federally funded community health centers.
But Baltimore has chosen to create a freestanding men’s health center and
Boston has established a nine-month program to train community health
workers to conduct outreach and case management among high-risk men.
Q/ Who benefits from
these projects, and how?
A/ That varies by
project. Some serve low-income minority men generally, combining health
services with outreach and special programs. The project in Mississippi sets
aside specific sessions and hours for men at convenient times for them.
Within a general focus, the projects in Boston and Denver are taking a
particular interest in men recently released from prison. Miami is targeting
homeless men, especially those in need of mental health and substance abuse
services. Atlanta focuses on educating and counseling adolescents on
reproductive health issues and prevention of violence against women.
Q/ What do you see as
the policy implications of these projects?
A/ The Kellogg men’s
health projects demonstrate innovative and effective ways of reaching a
hard-to-reach population, and they are already providing poignant evidence
of the need for policy change. But our goal should be to get public dollars
to promote similar efforts in major areas of need in all 50 states.
Beyond that, we should be looking at improved health insurance — if not
universal coverage, at least extension of Medicaid eligibility to all
low-income persons, without regard to sex or family status. We need to
extend the Family and Medical Leave Act so that men as well as women receive
paid leave for medical care. We need to address the need for affirmative
action among health care providers; improved communication, including
interpretation for non-English speaking patients; and assuring that people
are treated with dignity. And we also should be thinking about issues of
employment, housing, education and discrimination that underlie health
problems.
In other words, health
care itself is sorely needed, but community health also teaches us the
relevance of the other factors that affect well being. There are important
policy implications here — health can be an entry point to learn about,
organize and deal with a broad range of issues.
The Role of Race, Racism and Discrimination
in Health Outcomes
One thorny issue
raised by the existence of health disparities is the role played by overt
racism and discrimination. What is the proof that racism, per se, makes you
sick?
The role of stress as a
determinant of health has been understood for years. Stress has been
identified as a villain that causes disease by sources from Newsweek cover
stories to highly technical studies of animals.
If there is no physical
outlet for the “fight or flight” stimulus, emergency-response chemicals
remain in the body, causing depression, increased susceptibility to
infection, diabetes, cholesterol and fat buildup and high blood pressure.
Repeated exposure exacerbates these problems.
Most experts agree that
it’s stress that underlies the social theories about health — the added
disadvantage beyond just physical conditions faced by those who experience
poverty, inequality, lack of education and unemployment. [14]
There is growing proof
that racism is an added burden that works through stress — one that may be
even more damaging for minority men because they lack women’s coping
ability.
Sociologist David
Williams reviewed the current literature about racial/ethnic discrimination.
He found an association with multiple indicators of physical and mental
health, despite measurement gaps in many of the studies, the dose-response
relationship and how the process works over time. [8]
Williams’ own work
suggests that for race-related stress, the chronic presence of day-in and
day-out discrimination is more important than major life events, but for
stress in the general population, life events are more significant. [15]
Camara Jones, a
physician and epidemiologist who directs research on the social determinants
of health for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, has described
how this might happen.
“We know that black
folks are at greater risk of hypertension,” she says, “but in childhood,
there are no differences between black and white blood pressure rates.”
It’s only later that the rates diverge, she adds, and blood pressure drops
at night for whites but not for blacks.
Jones theorizes that
constant stress results from others’ perceptions of blacks and subtle
race-based biases.
“It’s the little things
that count,” she says — like being treated differently by a store clerk.
Each event may be insignificant, but the repetition builds up. She has found
that whites rarely think about race in the course of a day, but 50 percent
of blacks do. [13]
Men’s Health Initiative: Laboratories for
Community Innovation
The W.K. Kellogg
Foundation Men’s Health Initiative was launched to demonstrate new and
effective ways of filling the gaps in care for low-income minority males.
Six organizations in some of the nation’s neediest communities are splitting
$3 million in grants. Differing in focus and administrative structure, the
projects are yielding important information about outreach, counseling,
provision of health services and training of culturally competent staff.
Baltimore City Health
Department Baltimore, Md.
The Baltimore project
has established a freestanding men’s health center, offering a full range of
primary care and social services to a largely uninsured African American
population with high disease risk.
Contact Sherry Adeyemi
at (410) 396-4502.
Boston Public Health
Commission
Boston, Mass.
The Boston Public
Health Commission is training young minority men to be community health
workers, implementing case management teams and developing a young men’s
health coalition. The teams are geared to link men coming out of prison,
victims of violence and others in need to health services in existing
primary care facilities.
Contact Dr. John Rich
at (617) 534-7148 or (617) 534-2662.
Camillus House,
Miami-Dade County, Fla.
Through this project,
licensed mental health clinicians provide outreach and case management and
link homeless men with a full range of housing, behavioral and health
services.
Contact Karen Mahar at
(305) 374-1065.
Delta Community
Partners in Care, Clarksdale, Miss.
Three primary care
clinics in the Mississippi Delta, a predominantly African American area with
high levels of poverty and uninsured people, are developing male-dedicated
entry points, conducting outreach, case management, community screening and
education and allocating specific days and times for men’s services.
Contact Lela Keys at
(662) 624-3484. Denver Health, Denver,
Colo.
Denver’s comprehensive
safety net public health care system, including its community health centers
and hospital, has male health advisers to conduct outreach, screening and
case management and assure continuity of care for men who are uninsured,
treatment dropouts or recently released from prison.
Contact Richard Wright,
M.D., at (303) 436-6850. Grady Health System Teen Services, Atlanta,
Ga.
Atlanta’s centrally
located public care hospital aims to help
adolescent males
establish lasting beneficial attitudes and behaviors regarding their health
by providing reproductive healthcare services, education and counseling.
Another goal of the project is a reduction in unintended pregnancy, sexually
transmitted infections and violence in peer relationships. Contact Marie E.
Mitchell at (404) 616-3543.
Addressing the Issue of Unequal Treatment
In 2002, the Institute
of Medicine
issued Unequal Treatment:
Confronting Racial and
Ethnic Disparities in Health Care. The report was notable not so much for
its conclusions, many of which have been long documented while others were
at least suspected, but for the fact that a committee of wide-ranging
backgrounds and political persuasions agreed that action is needed.
The committee chair
prefaced the report by acknowledging the sensitive nature of its charge:
“[H]ealth care workers are professionals, and beneficence, as an element of
professionalism, is supposed to be color blind.” Nevertheless, he said, “The
committee finished its work convinced that the real challenge lies not in
debating whether disparities exist, but in developing and implementing
strategies to reduce and eliminate them.” [6]
Suggestions that
disparities are related not only to lack of access but to differential
treatment within the health care system are implicit in the findings of
researchers like Marian Gornick, who has been plumbing the Medicare database
for years. Gornick has found consistently that Medicare beneficiaries who
are racial and ethnic minorities are less likely to receive regular doctor
visits and beneficial procedures such as flu shots, eye care, cancer
screening, heart bypass surgery and angioplasty, and more likely to
experience limb amputations and radical cancer surgery that might have been
prevented by regular primary care. [5]Most recently she has described the
disparities faced by minority men. [11]
Uncovering the reasons
for the disparities is more complex. Cultural attitudes, communication
problems and mistrust of the medical care community by minorities are
elements that may enter into the equation. But in addition, the IOM said,
“Bias, stereotyping, prejudice and clinical uncertainty on the part of
health care providers may contribute to racial and ethnic disparities in
health care.” [6]
Jack Geiger, a
physician and human rights activist at the City University of
New York Medical
School who studies the impact of racism on health, helped research the IOM
report. He says doctors share some of the responsibility. [12]
“It’s not that they
practice overt racism,” Geiger says. “It usually happens without awareness.
And that’s one reason why most physicians are very reluctant to recognize
this in themselves and their peers.” [13]
Most experts agree that
conventional “cultural competence” training is not the way to go.
“Focusing on the
behavior of different groups may reinforce negative stereotypes,” according
to sociologist David Williams, a member of the IOM committee. “We need to
look instead at the process of how the provider relates to each individual
patient.”
Data collection on
disparities within specific health care plans and institutions, research on
provider attitudes and widespread use of treatment protocols are also
suggested.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bibliography
1. National Center for
Health Statistics. Health,
United States, 1999.
Hyattsville MD: U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention.
2. Williams, D.R. Race
and health: trends and policy implications, in Auerbach, J.A. and Krimgold,
B.K., eds., Income, Socioeconomic Status and Health: Exploring the
Relationships. 2001; Washington DC: National Policy Association.
3. Williams, D.R. and
Collins, C. Racial residential segregation: a fundamental cause of racial
disparities in health. Public Health Reports. 2001; 116:404-416.
4. Brown, E.R., et al.
Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Access to Health Insurance and Health Care
2000; Los Angeles CA: UCLA
Center for Health Policy Research and the
Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation.
5. Gornick,
M.E. Vulnerable Populations and
Medicare Services: Why Do Disparities Exist? 2000; New York
NY: The Century Foundation Press.
6. Institute of
Medicine.
Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care.
2002; Washington DC: National
Academies Press.
7. Williams, D.R. The
health of men: structured inequalities and opportunities. American Journal
of Public Health. 2003; 93(5):724-731.
8. Williams, D.R.
Racial/ethnic discrimination and health: findings from community studies.
American Journal of Public Health. 2003; 93(2):7-15.
9. Holahan, J. and
Pohl, M. States as Innovators in Low Income Health Coverage. 2002;
Washington DC: The Urban Institute.
10. Hyde Park
Communications. Daily Monitoring Report. 2003; see reports for
January-April, online, access by writing
apagoulatos@hydeparkcomm.com.
11. Gornick,
M.E. A decade of research on
disparities in Medicare utilization: lessons for the health and health care
of vulnerable men. American Journal of Public Health. 2003: 93(5): 753-758.
12. Geiger, H.J. Racial
and ethnic disparities in diagnosis and treatment: a review of the evidence
and a consideration of causes, in Institute of
Medicine.
Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care.
2002; Washington DC: National
Academies Press.
13. Kirchheimer, S.
Racism should be a public health issue. Medscape, Jan. 9, 2003. http://www.medscape.com/view-article/447757
(Registration required.)
14. Adler,
N.E., et al. (eds.) Socioeconomic
Status and Health in Industrial Nations: Social, Psychological and
Biological Pathways. 1999; New York
NY: Annals of the New York Academy of
Sciences, Vol. 896.
15. Williams, D.R. et
al. Racial differences in physical and mental health. Journal of Health
Psychology. 1997; 2(3):335-351.
Facts of Life
Issue Briefing for
Health Reporters
Vol. 8, No. 5 * May
2003
Published monthly by
the Health Behavior News Service
Editor: Kristina
Campbell
Contributing Writer:
Bonnie Lefkowitz
Science Writer: Becky
Ham
Communications
Associate: Will O’Bryan
Vice President, Public
Affairs: Ira R. Allen
2000 Florida
Ave., NW, Suite 210
Washington, DC
20009
Phone: 202-387-2829
Fax: 202-387-2857
press@cfah.org
http://www.hbns.org
Copyright 2003:
The Health Behavior News Service provides journalists with information,
interviews and commentary about an expanded view of health. It is operated
by the Center for the Advancement of Health, an independent nonprofit
organization that promotes greater recognition of how psychological,
social, behavioral, economic and environmental factors influence health and
illness. The Center receives core funding from the John D. and Catherine T.
MacArthur Foundation. This issue of Facts of Life is funded by the W.K.
Kellogg Foundation as part of its initiative to improve men's health.
Related Topic:
Health Disparities Experienced by Black or African
Americans --- United States
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